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مطالعات حقوق عمومی (24238120) (3)pp. 581-602
The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is an inter-governmental body within the United Nations System, and is one of the most prominent institutions of the United Nations which monitor human rights records in member states. The UNHRC is the successor to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), and is a subsidiary body of the United Nations General Assembly. It has addressed human rights status in Iran mostly through UPR and Special Rapporteur. The Council works closely with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and engages the United Nations' Special Procedures. The state of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran and many other countries have been addressed both by UNHRC and NCHR. The Council and its predecessor have had confrontational and partly normal interactions with the I. R. of Iran since 1979. This article reviews the mentioned interactions and focuses on their confrontational legal status on torture, execution, Islamic Punishments and etc. It is believed that part of the confrontations stem from differences in legal systems and ambiguities in some of Iran’s Penal Law.
Journal of Philosophical Investigations (22517960) (37)pp. 682-708
With no exaggeration, Martin Heidegger is one of the most prominent thinkers of the twentieth century, who critically examines the 2,500-year history of the West as a manifestation of subjectivism and technological rationality, and places his efforts on the foundation of the paradigm of knowledge. The modern world collapsed and turned to ontology. The premise of this paper is based on the principle that if modern politics is based on the will to power, the gap between subject and object, and the dominance of technological rationality, Heidegger intends to break away from politics by turning from epistemology to ontology. Based on the relationship between master and slavery of the modern world, and introduce a policy based on ontology, which ensures the elimination of the gap between subject and object and the openness of man to himself, the world and the other.
Soft power as one manifestation of power allows countries to gain influence through means such as po-litical values, cultural diplomacy, and foreign policy attitudes. Iraq has become a venue for influential players such as Iran and the US to exert their soft power after 2003. Iran employs shared religious ties with the Shiite population in Iraq, promotes its independent anti-imperialist foreign policy as a value, highlights the shared geography and historical memories between the two countries, and applies other similar elements to enhance its soft power. On the other hand, the United States employs cultural attrac-tions and promotes values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights. The United States presents itself as an idealistic democratic archetype and encourages Iraq to emulate its model in the post-Saddam era. The aim of this chapter is to provide a comparison of soft power status of Iran and the US in the post-Saddam Iraq. © 2024, IGI Global. All rights reserved.
This chapter delves into the impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on the educational systems, spanning both schools and universities. The primary components of an educational system include students, teachers, monitoring and evaluation (M&E), and administrative organization. While there are undoubtedly other components, these mentioned items are the most crucial. Artificial intelligence significantly influences all of them. In this chapter, the authors thoroughly examine and analyze the effect of AI on each of the four educational components, employing a systematic review and library methodology. Consequently, after the introduction, the chapter is organized into four parts, corresponding to each component. The main finding indicates that AI technology has revolutionized education by offering personalized and adaptive learning, flexible teaching, as well as smart administration and swift assessment systems. This chapter also highlights the drawbacks associated with it. © 2024 by IGI Global. All rights reserved.
Global issues such as environmental disasters, malnutrition, poorness, international economic inequalities, local and ethnic conflicts, migration phenomena, globalization paradoxes, and other crises and challenges are so complex that governments and traditional diplomacy cannot tackle them alone. Therefore, diplomacy has expanded beyond the monopoly of governments. One of these new forms of diplomacy is citizen diplomacy or "people-to-people diplomacy." This can involve NGOs, private peacemakers, scholars, or other "bridge builders." Citizen diplomacy takes many forms, such as student/faculty exchanges, church programs bringing conflicting groups together, or cultural/scientific/sporting events that allow disputants to interact cooperatively or competitively. The informality of citizen diplomacy activities gives it a high degree of flexibility. This research aims to demonstrate the effectiveness and importance of citizen diplomacy in today's world, and its role in maintaining peace at the global level. © 2025 by IGI Global. All rights reserved.
Research Journal of Applied Sciences, Engineering and Technology (discontinued) (20407459) 5(1)pp. 171-175
The purpose of the present study is to investigate the effect of social text and context on the political thinking of the contemporary Shiite scholars. On the one hand, contemporary scholars' political thinking exists at the heart of modernity's recent social and political events and in the framework of their understanding of religious teachings in Quran and Sunnah on the other hand. Thus, through their interactions in social contexts and their perception of texts, we may understand their thinking. On the one hand, the struggles, interests and side takings of social and political forces inarguably influence the formation and development of the contemporary scholars' political thinking. On the other hand, religious texts and deductions from them have been effective in understanding new concepts and problems. In this regard, this research attempts to comparatively investigate the effect of social text and context on the political thinking of contemporary Shiite scholars of Samarra, Najaf and Qom schools using discourse and cognitive-comparative methods. © Maxwell Scientific Organization, 2013.
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences (discontinued) (20392117) 5(7)pp. 555-561
After the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, scholars and thinkers encountered new scientific conditions, modern political ideas and newly established time and ground, and each, responding to these new upheavals which was the governance and fulfilment of Islamic commandments in all political, social, cultural and economic fields, presented ideas appropriate to their thought constellation. Reza Davari as a Fardidian thinker, following the ideas of the famous German philosopher, Martin Heidegger, criticizes the West philosophically and phenomenologically and knows the only redemptive path for Iranians as leaving the West as an integrated whole and criticizes modernity in a severe way. Contrary to this uncompromising approach to the West, another approach, particularly in the second and third decades of the Islamic Revolution gradually appeared which practiced sympathetic approaches to the West and Abdul Karim Soroush as the forerunner of this approach, tried to pave that path for establishing modernism by an epistemological reading of religion. In the present article, it has been tried to discuss and compare the ideas and thoughts of Davari and Soroush to the West.
Advances in Environmental Biology (19950756) 8(24)pp. 462-465
Emphasizing information sources of media by which nomination is done is a way to understand and predict human communities and political culture. The media serve as the medium between human and his environment, conveying intentionality means (semantic) phenomena through multiple interaction as well as manipulating individual and collective power games. One of the most significant ways to know citizens who are living in a given political unit is to focus on the media and ways of conveying meaning among citizens. At first stage, media appear as technology tools adopted by an advanced class and dominate architecture, music, theater, writing, communication and all areas, and, after a while, media get an ubiquitous status. As media gets ubiquitous and is involved in everyday life, intermediate semantic techniques get out of instrumental tools, turning into the environment that can be assumed to be a form of life style. Media form both tools and life-style and their importance is such that to understand the main phenomena such as political culture of a society, the social media can be easily evaluated and they help to know which variables and indices form the basis of legitimacy, political philosophy, good governance, political protests, political efficacy and political structures. In this context, the present study attempts to explore the relationship between using satellite and the kind of political culture. © 2014 AENSI Publisher All rights reserved.
Advances in Environmental Biology (19950756) 8(24)pp. 466-469
One of the means of understanding human communities and predicting their political behavior and culture is focusing on information resources of media through which labeling is done. Media are intermediaries between human and his environment and often convey meanings through multilateral actions and interactions in form of intention-making phenomena by manipulating individual and collective power games. In order to understand the citizens of a political unit, the most scientific research is related to understanding media and the way they convey the citizen’s meanings. Media initially present themselves as technological instruments and dominate architecture to music, theatre, calligraphy, communications and all areas and after a while, they take a comprehensive form. By the expansion of the media and their becoming part of daily life, intermediate meaning-creating techniques no longer function merely as instruments and become part of the biological world and are able to shape people’s lifestyles. The media shape both the instruments and lifestyles of people and they are so important that understanding such an important phenomenon as the political culture of any society is possible by simply analyzing the media of that society and find out on what parameters are the legitimacy, political philosophy, preferred governance, political protests, political efficiency and other political structures of the society based. In this regard, the present study attempts to investigate the relationship between internet usage and type of political culture. © 2014 AENSI Publisher All rights reserved.
Naghdeali, Z.S. ,
Emamjomehzadeh, S.J. ,
Masoudnia, H. ,
Ghasemi, V. International Business Management (discontinued) (19935250) 8(6)pp. 384-393
The world today issue of the human psyche and personality plays an important role in social and political activities. Character and mental stability is an important point in setting goals and making decisions, those characters are realistic and stable comfort can decide either to participate in social and political activities. Several factors have an influence in shaping personality and psychological identity such as family, school, community and communication devices, etc., so how to get people in these circumstances and socialization of individuals makes personality and psychological identity and formed according to the identity, participate in political activities. Accordingly, the question examined in this study is: How personality and psychological identity influence in political activities? Recent analyses have demonstrated that personality affects political behavior. According to the mediation hypothesis, the effect of personality on political participation is mediated by classical predictors, such as political interest, internal efficacy, political discussion or the sense that voting is a civic duty. The purpose of this research is examine how the formation personality and psychological identity and type the characters influence in political activities. © Medwell Journals, 2014.
Naghdeali, Z.S. ,
Emamjomehzadeh, S.J. ,
Masoudnia, H. ,
Ghasemi, V. Advances in Environmental Biology (19950756) 8(13)pp. 1024-1031
The aim of this study is to investigate the link between religion and identity crisis in Iran. Identity of Iran influenced of Islam, the West and the Iranian So some people are struggling with these and somehow be an identity crisis, another form of identity crisis takes shape at smaller gatherings such as work, family and… But the question is why people can not make good decisions in the communities are or do the task and obligations. Why are people suffering from an identity crisis? Do solved the identity crisis with religious approach? Although there are many different interpretations of the faith in various community, but in this paper we show how the religious approach to deconstructing identity crisis. © 2014 AENSI Publisher. All rights reserved.
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences (discontinued) (20392117) 5(23)pp. 2296-2304
The purpose of present study is to represent how the transactional methodology in social sciences is developed by using qualitative approach of grounded theory, setting up focus group workshops and conducting semi-structured interviews with some Iranian professors in the methodology of social sciences. This study used the qualitative approach of the grounded theory. In 2014, focus group workshops were set up, and semi-structured interviews were conducted with the professors of methodology in several groups. It is necessary to use qualitative methods in this research due to the recognition of grounded factors. Findings of this study on the basis of data analysis suggests that causal and structural conditions, confusion in choosing the type of methodologies, and imperfection of each methodology in social sciences lead to the different combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, and conducting transaction among the existing methodologies that is affected by the intervening conditions like mutual impacts of methodology and subject on each other as well as considering everything in its own context resulting in the transactional methodology. To conclude, developing transactional methodology paves the way for producing theories, conducting research to solve problems, fulfilling the local and global needs, and developing human knowledge. Finally, the transactional methodology is proposed as an alternative methodology to study a social phenomenon. © 2014 Mediterranean Center of Social and Educational Research. All rights reserved.
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences (discontinued) (20392117) 6(5S1)pp. 319-322
From 2010 onwards, the international system has observed public protests providing the situation for entering a new level of political and social evolutions around the world and the region. The transition from collective action based on class to action based on notions of identity, transition from unilateralism in action to interactive model and relationship-based and transition from economic aims in the form of collective action to symbolic cultural and political aims have been the main elements of evolution of social movement in the recent years. The current article is a response to the reason of incidence of such evolution and why the pluralism and increased access of people to political procedures, development of information and communication technologies, and highlighting the role of civil society, non-governmental organizations and expansion of role of new middle class have resulted in such evolution. Discussions made by authors such as Alberto Melucci regarding the interactive and identity-based action, could be appropriate theoretical frameworks for surveying the process of transition from conventional social movement to new social movement (NSM). From the point of research condition, the current article is a descriptiveanalytical survey and from the point of aim it is an applied survey. © 2015 Mediterranean Center of Social and Educational Research. All rights reserved.
TQM Journal (17542731) 29(1)pp. 37-54
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to revise the Kano evaluation table and separating indifference attributes in order to develop satisfaction and dissatisfaction indexes. Design/methodology/approach: The indifference requirements have been separated and reclassified, and after revising Kano satisfaction and dissatisfaction indexes based on the new evaluation table, the developed Kano model has been examined in the city of Isfahan regarding attributes of candidates in the presidential election of 2013. Findings: According to the new classification, the indifference attributes can be separated into seven types. The results of the case study also show that among 20 priorities of the presidential candidates, payment of subsidy, offering loan and financial facilities are must-be attributes; protecting investment and national production, export incentives and increasing national unity are attractive attributes; and the remaining are one-dimensional attributes. Practical implications: The case study implies that the findings are dependent on the cultural and social context of the respondents. On the other hand, the findings of Kano model analysis are limited to shorttime periods. Originality/value: This research is typically unique in separating indifference attributes and in revising the satisfaction and dissatisfaction indexes of the Kano model. Practically, the application of the Kano model in the presidential election is also a new subject. © Emerald Publishing Limited 1754-2731.
2025 29th International Computer Conference, Computer Society of Iran, CSICC 2025 pp. 1-226
This book examines changes in the Persian Gulf security complex following the United States (US) invasion of Iraq in 2003, focusing on threats to the collective identities of two religious sects-Shia and Sunni. Although there is a growing body of literature examining security in the Persian Gulf, little focus has been given to the theoretical and methodological aspects of the problem. In this volume, Shayan analyses the causes behind the security changes which occurred in the region since 2003 and demonstrates how regional security dynamics are interlinked to perceived sectarian threats on the Shia and Sunni religious identities. This text is essential reading for political scientists, policy makers and scholars of international relations. © The Editor(s) and The Author(s) 2017.
Cosmos and History (18329101) 14(3)pp. 297-320
Farabi’s Virtuous City has a special sociopolitical hierarchy, which at first glance, appears to be original. Now, the following questions are raised: What was Farabi’s main criteria for creating this sociopolitical hierarchy? And to what extent did he drew on historical facts to establish this hierarchy? Findings of the present research indicate that the two components of knowledge and function have been Farabi’s most important criteria for establishing the sociopolitical hierarchy of his Virtuous City. Accordingly, he categorizes the classes of Virtuous City as follows: 1- the ruling class; 2- assistants to the ruler, including Al-Afazel (the nobles), Zuvei al-lasana (speakers), Al-Moqadderoun (specialists), Al-Mujahedun (the military), Al-Maliyun (economic forces); 3- the masses; and 4- the opponents and adversaries, including Navabet and Bahimiyun. It seems that there are similarities between the function of some of these classes and the function of historical classes in the ancient Iran’s monarchy and the Islamic Caliphate system, yet Farabi’s innovation is in integrating them into a whole based on the criteria of knowledge and function and believing that those groups that do not meet the main objectives of Virtuous City -public happiness - may be suppressed. On the whole, it appears that Farabi’s Virtuous City has an organic class system in which not only the autonomy of classes and individuals is not recognized, but also any opposition is violently suppressed. Methodological approach of this article is methodological hermeneutics with an emphasis on Hirsch’s hermeneutics. © 2018 Cosmos Publishing Cooperative. All Rights Reserved.
Teorija in Praksa (00403598) 55(3)pp. 666-683
The present study examines: (i) how online media (i.e. mobile applications, social media, and other traditional online media) influence individuals’ tendency to participate in presidential elections; and (ii) their political orientation (i.e. tending towards Principalist political groups and Reformist groups) in the relationship between social media use and political participation. Multivariate analyses show that only mobile app uses are positively related to the tendency to participate in presidential elections. The results also show that mobile apps and social media and traditional online media influence political orientation among a sample of Iranians that is considered, and that online media thus attracts people’s attention and adds to their tendency to support political reformist parties. © 2018, Ljubljana University, Faculty of Social Sciences. All rights reserved.
Seifouri, F. ,
Nia, S.A.M.S. ,
Hatami, A. ,
Zadeh, S.J.E. Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy and International Relations (22386262) 8(15)pp. 88-116
Globalization and social development, as two independent and interactional discourses, have been investigated in this paper using the globalization indicators in two Khatami's and Ahmadinejad's administrations. Thus, the independent variable of globalization, and the dependent variable of the state of social development of Iran are compared in the two periods of 1997-2005 and 2005-2013 considering the different approaches adopted in the two administrations. The research method is comparative. The research hypothesis is that based on valid statistics, both administrations have been on the path to social development, but Khatami's approach was based on global reformism, and Ahmadinejad's approach was based on indigenous and local thoughts. In terms of theoretical foundations, we have used the generalization model of political-social development. According to this model, development priorities are different in countries with different political and social contexts. Social globalization grew as much as 8.86 in the Khatami's administration, and up to 4.89 in Ahmadinejad's administration. Therefore, the administration type is related to the extent of globalization, and globalization has contributed to the growth and development of social development. It also has provided a platform for the continuation of studies of this trend in a different way, regarding the states and the internal environment of the countries. © 2019 Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul.
Politologija (13921681) 95(3)pp. 1-32
Theories of social capital, government performance, Islamic values, and globalization are among the most important tools that can be used to help explain individuals' political attitudes. The present research attempts to address the effects of the abovementioned factors on the political attitude of Arab citizens using the Arab Barometer Wave IV data. The results showed that only 23.2% of citizens disagreed with a democratic political system, while 70.3% and 60.1% expressed their opposition to authoritarian and Shari'ahbased systems. Results of the final model of research indicated that memberships in social associations, on the one hand, increased the tendency of individuals to support authoritarian and law-based political systems and, on the other hand, did not have any significant effect on the tendency toward supporting a democratic political system. It was concluded that improving economic performance not only affected the promotion of the Shari'ahbased political system, but that Political Performance also reduced the inclinations toward Shari'ah and authoritarianism. Furthermore, Political Performance increased the tendency of individuals to favor a democratic system. In addition, although individuals' support for a Shari'ah-based political system had increased, Islamic values did not act as a barrier that would keep individuals away from favoring a democratic political system. Among the variables of globalization, the expansion of communication reduced people's tendencies toward Shari'ah and authoritative political systems, along with a positive effect on strengthening support for democratic systems. Ultimately, Westernization only affected the shrinking support of some Shari'ah-based political systems. © 2019 Mahmoudreza Rahbarqazi, Seyed Javad Emamjomehzadeh, Hossein Masoudnia.
Seifouri, F. ,
Nia, S.A.M.S. ,
Hatami, A. ,
Zadeh, S.J.E. Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy and International Relations (22386262) 8(15)pp. 94-123
Critical Studies on Terrorism (17539153) (3)pp. 441-463
An extensive body of traditional terrorism research exists where the focus is on Iran as a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This article explores an alternative terrorism narrative by examining the non-state actors, Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl. The deficiency of information in the literature is addressed by applying the first and second-order critique approach of Richard Jackson’s knowledge, power and politics theoretical framework in contrast with the traditional terrorism studies approach. A first-order critique seeks to destabilise the accepted knowledge that Iran is both a terrorist state and a terrorism sponsor. This provides the grounds to study other aspects of “knowing” in relation to the second-order critique, where a critical ground outside the discourse suggests that Iranian officials have declared that the non-state terrorist actors of Jundallah and Jeish ul-Adl constitute a threat to Iran’s political stability. The outcome of the analyses here bridges the gap between the new aspect of terrorism, the non-state actors, and critical terrorism studies in order to contest the traditional discussion of terrorism in Iran. The rationale behind new terrorism varies and necessitates that new meanings and strategies be adopted in relation to Iran. © 2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Central Eurasia Studies (20080867) 13(2)pp. 569-593
About 80 countries with over 1.1 billion populations don’t have regular access to healthy freshwater resources. According to Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development findings (OECD), due to the excessive usage and climate changes, lots of freshwater resources will be disappeared by 2030; therefore over 3.9 billion people all over the world will face a fresh water shortage. Lack of water resources will cause political, social and economic crisis and will also result in extensive migrations and finally triggers regional conflicts. One outcome of the colonization of tsarism and then the Soviet era was destroying natural infrastructures including water resources (e.g. drying the Aral Sea), creating marginal areas, and making Central Asian countries a single product economy. The single product agricultural industry in the Central Asian socialist economy completely depends on the irrigation system. To irrigate cotton planting farms in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, more than 90 percent of existing water supplies being used. This amount becomes more catastrophic where in some areas, about 10.000 cubic meters of water were used for every hectare of the cotton farm. After the independence, this competition continued between 5 Central Asian countries. Increasing cotton production in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan made these two countries pioneers in the world. Between 2004-2005, these two countries accounted for 65 percent of the world’s cotton production. This policy in the agriculture industry results in severe depletion of farms, excessive use of chemical fertilizer as well as a reduction in cotton production in the last ten years, so this reduction in addition to population growth, makes these 5 Central Asian countries import food products. Decreasing freshwater quality, increasing the amount of salt in the soil, and farms salinity along with fast population growth were some causes of appearing marginal areas in Central Asian countries. Marginal areas because of the lack of social, educational, healthy, and cultural services and facilities are a place for future crises. Based on the World Council’s estimates about International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) studies, Central Asia is among areas that are severely affected by water shortages; the drying of the Aral Sea was a disaster and some parts of Central Asia were depopulated. Based on World Bank predictions, water shortages in this area will reach 25 to 30 percent by 2050 and it is also predicted that the population of Central Asia will increase to 90 million. It shows that we should expect a different crisis in Central Asia in which the results will be expanded all over the area including the Middle East, Europe and Central Asia. On the other hand, the area is located at the crossroads of international interests in the new geopolitical and geo-economic conditions which were created in the last decade of the twentieth century. From then on, it has highlighted the importance of this region in political stability and global security. In new conditions, Germany was always trying to find a suitable place to increase its economic and political presence in the region. At the beginning of 1990’s, political leaders of Germany showed some signs of independence of action in foreign policy by adopting a multilateral policy in the international system and gradually approaching other centers of powers; to this end, areas such as Central Asia became a place to show the power and the economic, commercial and almost political presence of Germany. On the other hand, political and security conditions in Afghanistan and their effect on multiple crises in Central Asia as well as conflicts among Ukraine and Russia and its effect on the gas transmission to Europe increased the importance of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Germany as the biggest industrial unit in the European Union is the most important exporter of technology and industrial goods. Because of the dilapidated economic and production structure left from the Soviet Union, Central Asian countries have the potential needs to accept technology and Germany’s investment in different sectors. Therefore, during years after independence, Germany tried to take advantage of these needs and increase its share. But Central Asian countries tend to face the crisis due to different factors including extremism, terrorism, drug trafficking, poverty, unemployment, extensive addiction, tribalism, the unfinished process of state-nation building in these countries, fragile security and educational structures (intelligence Police), low legitimate governments based in Central Asia, the intervention of regional and trans-regional countries including Russia, China and United States and the most important factor water storages. A crisis that if remains pervasive, will not only have social, political, economic and environmental consequences in Central Asia but also leads to the growth of extremism, terrorism, increased drug trafficking, disruption in energy flow and migration to Europe. Also, it poses a serious threat to Germany’s interests, especially its economic interests in the region. Therefore, Central Asia and countries within its sphere became of strategic importance to Germany in various ways, including in diversifying energy demands, economic, trade, security and cultural resources after the end of the cold war. So, all these factors have caused concern in German Foreign policy and this country has tried different measures to manage water resources. According to the aforementioned items, by using a descriptive-analytical method based on the theoretical framework of neoliberalism institutionalism, this paper seeks to investigate German measures to manage water resources in Central Asia and prevent political and social crisis caused by lack of sustainable management in the field of vital water resources in Central Asia. The results of this paper show that despite obstacles such as lack of mutual trust between the governments, the dominance of some Central Asian countries, low level of cooperation between 5 countries of the region concerning water resources management, and a series of structural problems, Germany has been able to work through multilateral cooperation between institutions and scientific centers and carry out important and significant measures, both technical and academic. Data collection in this article is based on library methods. © 2020, Central Eurasia Studies. All Rights Reserved.
International Journal Of China Studies (21803250) 12(2)pp. 295-318
In order to repel US pressures, Tehran has perpetually aligned itself with major non-Western powers through a ‘Look to the East policy’ with focus mainly on China. Iran and China are opposed to the United States’ so-called unilateralism and are similarly categorized as revisionist states which this common attitude culminated into the signature of the 25-year cooperation agreement in March 2021. But, China prioritizes its national interests defined by economic pragmatism; and its complex economic interdependence with the world economy has made it conservative. The present article analyzes this question of why China has been conservative in shielding Iran against the US’s paralyzing sanctions in Donald Trump’s era. It argues that the Chinese global strategy and its economic pragmatism require it to make compromises with the United States and Arab states alike, and at the same time, to preserve relationships with Iran with the least political-economic expenses. © 2021, Institute of China Studies. All rights reserved.
Insight Turkey (1302177X) 23(4)pp. 11-25
Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states’ foreign policy goals. As one of the world’s emerging economic powers, Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. This commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey’s soft power in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the years 20112020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkey’s soft power during this time period has mainly targeted and become influential in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East and Asia. Although certain events, such as the 2016 failed coup, the Gezi Park protests, the Syrian crisis, fluctuations in the value of the Turkish lira, etc., have somewhat tarnished the country’s image, various indicators of Turkey’s soft power demonstrate that it has remained strong in the MENA region during the time span of the present research. © 2021, SETA Foundation. All rights reserved.
Australian Journal of Human Rights (1323238X) 27(2)pp. 249-271
Several studies on the consequences of sanctions show that they have the potential to drastically harm ordinary people’s health and widely affect human rights standards in the target countries. The Right to Health (RTH) is a fundamental human right, and international law requires States to honour it in any situation. The United States (US) is a treaty party or signatory to a number of universal human rights treaties which codify the RTH as a fundamental right, along with the right to life. Additionally, the erga omnes nature of the RTH requires the US to rectify its sanctions regime. In this article, applying a descriptive-analytic method, it is argued that the Trump administration’s policy of pursuing ‘maximum pressure’ and reinstatement of fatal sanctions against Iran as of May 2018 violated the Iranian people’s basic RTH. This implies that the US is internationally liable for what the Iranian people and State experienced due to these sanctions. This violation has continued during Joseph Biden’s administration as of July 2021. © 2021 Australian Journal of Human Rights.
2025 29th International Computer Conference, Computer Society of Iran, CSICC 2025 pp. 377-394
The analyses in this chapter explore the association of the Yazidi religion to Islam. The focus here is on Yazidis in Iraq and the Daesh threat thereof. To date, this issue has been assessed with respect to Zoroastrianism and Christianity, while the Yazidi’s association with Islam and the issue of Yazidis being a Sufi Muslim minority remains unexplored. These issues are critically explored in this chapter, and the discussions are expanded into the contemporary political conditions and the Daesh threat to the Yazidis’ safety in Iraq. Daesh has perceived Yazidis as infidels who must be constrained. The findings regarding the Yazidi community in Iraq in this chapter reveal that their case has become a modern political issue in the recent years and Daesh has threaten them to extend the sectorial conflict in Iraq. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021. All rights are reserved.
Chinese Political Science Review (23654244) 7(4)pp. 484-502
There are many approaches in analyzing the prolonged Iran–US impasse. We can taxonomize them into objective and subjective perspectives. We can explain Iran–US tension for realistic and geopolitical reasons. But discourse analysis is a subjective approach that maintains social facts are constructed in a discursive way by social players. This article aims to provide a discursive overview of how the definition of terrorism has been influenced by divergent discourses, as well as conflicting political interests by Iran and the US. In the discursive approach, as what anti-foundationalism maintains, social phenomena and social concepts like terrorism, miss a fixed essence or meaning. The present article applies the term discourse analysis mostly in Foucauldian philosophy and other like-minded political scientists in the deconstruction of the relationship between power and knowledge. This research concludes that definition and determining the instances of terrorism is a discursive action by Iran and the United States, so it explains the subjective reasons why there has been a dichotomy between Iran and the US in characterizing terrorism or ‘resistance movements’ in the Middle East. Therefore, subjective reasons as much as objective ones play a major role in the Tehran–Washington discord. © 2022, Fudan University.
Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia (21664307) 11(2)pp. 167-191
An evolving concept in the realm of international law is the right to remedial secession. Even though this concept has not been completely embedded in cus-tomary international law, it is being taken into account as a de lege ferenda (new law) and human-oriented right by scholars of international law. In order for the right of remedial secession to materialize, at least four criteria must be met, namely the existence of a specific group of “people” deemed likely to benefit from secession; that this people is the victim of extensive and long-term persecution and harassment; the impossibility of coexistence between the seceding group and the state encompassing it; and the recognition of such an entity by a minimum number of members of the international community. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict satisfies the first three criteria, but the enclave is not recognized by any sovereign state or international governmental orga-nization. In light of constructivist theory regarding the “social construct of political realities,” including “statehood,” as well as the on-the-ground political realities, it appears that the status quo, that is, the de facto independence of Karabakh without international recognition, will persist in the future. It appears that the geopolitical changes that took place in Karabakh after the 2020 war will not resolve the legal impasse. The present paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the compatibility of remedial secession criteria with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. © 2022, Slavica Publishers. All rights reserved.
Journal of Philosophical Investigations (22517960) 16(39)pp. 626-642
As one of the most prominent thinkers of the twentieth century, Martin Heidegger has made fundamental criticisms of the subjectivism of the modern world. He critically examines the 2,500-year history of the West as a manifestation of metaphysical rationality. Heidegger contrasts with the Cartesian and Kantian calculus thinking, the profound thinking based on the metaphysics of the carpenter. Heidegger believes that with Descartes as the creator of the paradigm of modernity, subjectivism is spreading in the world. One of the inevitable consequences of the supremacy of subjectivism is the dominance of technological rationality over the world. For Heidegger, technology is not a mere tool; instead, it is a special kind of development and way of thinking that imposes its possessive and calculating logic on everything and everyone. In other words, in the paradigm of knowledge of the modern foundation, existence is manifested technologically, which has created a special kind of rationality called technological rationality. The premise of this article is based on the fact that although Ali Shariati, as a critic of the modern world, criticizes scientism and mechanism, his critique of technology and mechanism is more political and sociological. Also, like Heidegger, he never could critique the philosophical, theological, and ontological subjectivism and technological rationality of the modern world. © The Author(s).
Geopolitics Quarterly (17354331) 18(65)pp. 115-149
Introduction After the victory of communist revolution in China, Nationalism had been combined with communist teachings as result of cultural revolution at the Mao era. The outputs of mentioned process caused to formation of ideological and transnational principles in Chinese foreign policy. But after nearly three decades, People's Republic of China has not achieved its foreign goals and faced with turmoil in domestic economy. Therefore, at the late of 1970s Beijing endeavored to improving their relations with the outside world, especially with the United States. Over the 1980s-decade transnationalism ideas replaced with pragmatist nationalism. These developments paved the way for control the nationalism narrative by China development-oriented government. It is important to point out that one of the most important factors which influence states foreign policy is the kind of nationalism narrative. There are different kinds of nationalism in china's political temporary discourse, but only one of them has taken dominant position in China’s foreign policy. The aim of this article is to analyze the conceptual developments of Chinese nationalism and its impact on the development-oriented foreign policy. The research will examine main kinds of nationalistic attitudes in China and try to answer the following question: how do dominant narrative of nationalism contribute to construct the development-oriented foreign policy in china? Developmental outlook of China has directed it to interpret and promulgate nationalism in a pragmatist way as well as along its development-oriented foreign policy. Methodology To analyze above mentioned issues the authors used a research desk method; we used various international publications, like monographs, scientific articles, and statistical data. This research has written by descriptive-analytic method and constructivism theory used as analytical framework. Discussion Researchers owing to the goal of their research have classified Chinese nationalism from different perspectives. The authors of this article divided Chinese nationalism into three following categories: ethnical nationalism, liberal nationalism and pragmatism nationalism. The first one (ethnic nationalism) is usually defined as “to the process whereby a group or community that shares a common history, culture, language, and territory is persuaded to assert its identity in such a way that it acquires the authority to be in charge of its own affairs, usually through the creation of an independent state.” When ethnic nationalist interests are mobilized to achieve state interests, that is, state nationalism, a more assertive brand of nationalism tends to emerge. The second one (liberal nationalism) was introduced in the early twentieth century as a means to improve China through political and social reforms. It defines the nation as a group of citizens who have a duty to support and defend the rights of their state in the world of nation-states, but also to pursue individual freedoms. The third one (pragmatist nationalism) is a state-led and largely reactive, pragmatist nationalism does not have a fixed, objectified and eternally defined content, nor is it driven by any ideology, religious beliefs or other abstract ideas. This kind of nationalism is a form of nationalism that is more ready to compromise with the outside world for the sake of state interests. After Deng Xiaoping launched the reform pragmatist nationalism has taken significant foreign policy implications. China’s diplomacy began to serve economic development under the guidance of keeping a low profile and accumulating strength quietly. In addition, nationalism is becoming more influential within the government as it begins to overshadow communism and becomes the concept that draws the government and people closer to the economic objectives more effectively. Conclusion Facing chronic economic problems and acute political crisis at home and from a relatively weak geopolitical position abroad, the Chinese state took a pragmatic attitude toward nationalism and made sure that China’s foreign policy was not dictated by emotional rhetoric. The results of the article shows that China's development-oriented foreign policy has compelled Chinese ruling party to economic interpretation of nationalism which have led to impressive economic indexes so that will replace the US dominant economic status in third decade of new millennium. © 2022, Iranian Association of Geopolitics. All rights reserved.
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