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مطالعات حقوق عمومی (24238120) (3)pp. 581-602
The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is an inter-governmental body within the United Nations System, and is one of the most prominent institutions of the United Nations which monitor human rights records in member states. The UNHRC is the successor to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), and is a subsidiary body of the United Nations General Assembly. It has addressed human rights status in Iran mostly through UPR and Special Rapporteur. The Council works closely with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and engages the United Nations' Special Procedures. The state of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran and many other countries have been addressed both by UNHRC and NCHR. The Council and its predecessor have had confrontational and partly normal interactions with the I. R. of Iran since 1979. This article reviews the mentioned interactions and focuses on their confrontational legal status on torture, execution, Islamic Punishments and etc. It is believed that part of the confrontations stem from differences in legal systems and ambiguities in some of Iran’s Penal Law.
Israel Affairs (13537121) 31(1)pp. 9-24
Israel and the Republic of Azerbaijan have maintained close relations since 1991. Azerbaijan stands out as one of the few Islamic and mostly Shiite nations that have fostered bilateral strategic and economic ties with Israel. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and Azerbaijan’s subsequent independence, Israel swiftly became one of the earliest countries to establish relations with Baku. A significant aspect of this relationship is Israel’s dependence on Azerbaijan for approximately 40% of its crude oil imports, and Baku’s dependence on Israeli arms exports and military support. Notably, Azerbaijan opened an Israel embassy in 2023, navigating a delicate path during the tumultuous 2023–24 Gaza war. This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, utilising historical and current data to determine whether the ties between Baku and Jerusalem can be characterised as a marriage of convenience, a classic alliance, or a strategic partnership. The hypothesis presented in this article supports the idea of a strategic partnership. © 2024 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
When the United States froze the reserves of the Russian Central Bank following Moscow's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, it raised concerns in China. Previously, Washington had used the dollar as a weapon against countries such as Iran, Venezuela, and Cuba. This "weaponization" of the dollar and manipulation of it for domestic economic purposes by the US seems to have prompted China to reduce its vulnerability to it. There is ample data showing that China has taken several measures to mitigate the risks associated with the U.S. dollar. This chapter examines the various measures taken by China toward de-dollarization and internalization of the Yuan simultaneously and its prospects. The research is conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner, based on data from library and internet sources. © 2025, IGI Global Scientific Publishing.
Maritime Economics and Logistics (14792931) 27(1)pp. 147-182
The India Middle-East Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) was introduced by US President Joe Biden in September 2023 in India, during the G-20 meeting. By creating commercial connections along the southern border of Eurasia, an expanding, multi-faceted IMEC trade corridor has the potential to alter trade patterns between the Middle East, Europe, and the Indian Ocean region. The project’s goal is to build a railway network that would travel via Saudi Arabia and Jordan to connect the United Arab Emirates with Israel and, from there, through a final sea-leg towards the Mediterranean EU ports, notably Piraeus, with continental Europe. Therefore, it is critical to assess trade potential among IMEC countries while paying attention to this corridor's function. Examining IMEC’s function in promoting international trade among initiative stakeholders while taking the geographic context into account, is the objective of this study. The analysis of IMEC members’ historical trends has been attempted as well. To calculate trade potential, a sophisticated gravity model is developed. Since this shows port connections to the hinterland, the integration of GIS-based network analysis; service area modelling; and road density modelling are also undertaken, in our objective to estimate trade potential. By integrating the gravity model (GM) with Geographic Information Systems (GIS), it becomes feasible to create visual depictions of the trade potential of IMEC to interested parties. We employ metrics like population, GDP, trade volume, road density per square kilometer, and service coverage as inputs to the GM, spanning from 2000 to 2021. Based on the panel data of a gravity model among IMEC members between 2000 to 2021, and using ordinary least squares (OLS) and generalized method of moments (GMM) modelling, our findings indicate that economic improvements in these countries, as well as efforts to decrease distances and improve connectivity among ports, will enhance interaction, as well as the processes of economic, social and political integration amongst them. The corridor also decreases (economic) distances and improves connectivity among ports, enhancing the overall globalization index of a country. Interestingly, we also find that having more than eight official languages has a negative effect on a country’s globalization index. © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Limited 2024.
India Quarterly (09749284) 80(3)pp. 400-420
After the discovery of large oil and gas deposits in Central Asia, the region has become a vital battlefield for major world powers’ competing interests, resulting in a complex geopolitical and energy transportation interaction known as ‘pipeline politics’. After independence, multinational energy companies and global powers contacted the Central Asian Republics. Chinese investment has dominated the region’s energy sector throughout the past decade. India is strategically seeking Central Asia’s energy resources as it becomes more global. This article compares China’s and India’s Central Asian natural gas strategy and identifies research shortcomings. The complex geopolitical landscape is considered while examining their objectives and regional investments. This analysis reveals these methods’ motivations and their effects on the Central Asian Republics and the world. China has an advantage over India in Central Asian pipeline politics, making the region vital to China’s energy security. © 2024 Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA).
Cogent Economics and Finance (23322039) 12(1)
The expansion of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the introduction of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC) are of great significance in terms of both politics and trade. This article aims to analyze the methodological shortcomings of traditional models and suggests a new model to evaluate the potential trade benefits of these corridors. The study discusses the reasoning for combining recursive analysis with GIS-network analysis in the logistical planning of international corridors. The authors have used a shopping time model that integrates distance and political risk index (PRI). They have then employed dynamic programming to assess and compare the changing opportunity cost (OPC) of retaining money. The findings suggest that the development of these corridors would provide differing degrees of benefits to different nations, with India being the country that would earn the greatest advantage by joining the IMEEC. Nevertheless, Iran enjoys the most significant benefits in comparison to other members of the INSTC. India stands to benefit somewhat more from its participation in the INSTC compared to the IMEEC. © 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Chinese Journal of Comparative Law (20504802) 12
Name disputes regarding geographical areas can be analysed from various perspectives. In international law, the legal determination of the names of geographic entities, including water bodies, mainly relies on four criteria. These criteria encompass historical reasoning and the application of the 'critical date theory', judicial precedence exemplified by the Macedonia v Greece case, the practices of international organizations, and legal obligations stemming from relevant treaties. By employing deductive and historical methodologies, this article concludes that the Persian Gulf naming dispute can be effectively examined by focusing on the year 1957 and, more broadly, the 1960s as the critical date. Historical documents from the period preceding this critical period substantiate the usage of the term 'Persian Gulf'. Furthermore, the procedures and practices of international organizations generally favour the use of the name 'Persian Gulf'. Inferences drawn from both customary and treaty law, including the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and bilateral agreements, among others, underscore the preference for the term 'Persian Gulf'. It is worth noting that the International Court of Justice, in the 2011 Macedonia v Greece case, upheld the principle of 'prior in tempore potior in jure', which recognizes established practices or conflicting legal claims. This authentication by the court further emphasizes the significance of historical precedence. © 2024 The Author(s) (2024). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
Central Eurasia Studies (20080867) 17(2)pp. 29-56
Introduction: Tensions and disputes between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia have long plagued the South Caucasus region with constant crises. The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, one of the most significant international crises since the Cold War, has resulted in two decades of conflict between these two countries. During the 2023 conflict, with Azerbaijan's seizure of the Karabakh region, Armenia was forced to accept the new political conditions. However, the differences have not yet fully resolved and conflicts continue. Other issues, such as the Zangezur Corridor and border disputes, have also strained relations between the two countries. The deep-rooted nature of these differences has made the brief periods of peace between the two countries seem like “fire under the ashes” that can flare up at any moment. Official diplomatic efforts in the past decades have been fruitless, and in this situation, using the capacities of informal diplomacy, especially citizen diplomacy, which has had successful experiences in some regions, is noteworthy. Research question: What is the role of citizen diplomacy in deescalating international tensions and how can citizen diplomacy help reduce tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan? Research hypothesis: Citizen diplomacy can lead to the reduction in Armenian-Azeri tensions and create opportunities for cooperation and lasting peace, provided that sufficient support is provided and the historical obstacles are removed. Methodology and theoretical framework: The research method of this article is qualitative with an exploratory-analytical approach. In other words, the data of the article is non-quantitative and the researcher relies more on historical data. It is exploratory because just a few preliminary works have been done in this field and the present study is considered one of the first comprehensive works in this field. Within a theoretical framework, the article examines identity theory in a constructivist way that examines how collective and individual identities influence the political behavior of societies and countries. The article argues that citizen diplomacy serves as an effective tool for changing negative images and reducing tensions between conflicting identities. This type of diplomacy includes direct people-to-people interaction, cultural and educational exchange programs, communitybased dialogues, and the use of media and social networks. These tools help build mutual understanding and respect between different individuals and communities, as well as reduce misunderstandings and increase international cooperation. Results and discussion: The national identity of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the territorial integrity and retake of NagornoKarabakh, while the national identity of Armenia is based on the defense of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. By promoting hatred and a negative image of the other country, the media and propaganda of both countries have helped to reinforce opposing identities and deepen distrust and hostility between the two nations. The emphasis on the historical crimes and nationalist narratives in the educational and cultural systems of the two countries has increased tension and continued conflict. So far, there have been few attempts to reduce tensions between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia through citizen diplomacy, which includes programs by non-governmental organizations, research institute and universities with the support of international institutions. These programs include the European Partnership for the Peaceful Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, the Conflict Monitoring Center, and the “Letters for Peace” initiative, work through dialogue, cultural and educational exchanges, and joint projects to reduce tensions with the aim of strengthening informal contacts and mutual understanding between citizens and elites of the two countries. However, these efforts have not been fully successful due to political, security, economic and historical constranits. The complex history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, mutual distrust, the promotion of nationalist narratives by the media and the lack of coordination between citizen and governmental diplomacy are among the reasons for the failure of these programs. In addition, regional and international factors and the conflicting interests of interested countries have added to the complexity of the crisis and the continuation of the conflict. The limited participation of ordinary people and an emphasis on national interests have also hindered the effectiveness of citizen diplomacy. For these efforts to succeed, new strategies, greater support, and broader international and local cooperation are needed. This includes strengthening cultural and educational exchanges between the two countries, creating common spaces for inter-governmental dialogues, and making optimal use of traditional and social media to promote a culture of peace and mutual understanding. Increasing awareness, reducing misunderstandings, and promoting peaceful ideas can help strengthen communications and reduce tensions between the two countries. Conclusion: The findings of this study show that various citizen diplomacy programs, such as cultural exchanges, educational cooperation and joint projects can gradually reduce negative perceptions and create a space for dialogue and understanding. By increasing people-to-people interactions and strengthening cultural ties, hostile identities can gradually be transformed and the ground for cooperation and peaceful coexistence can be created. Citizen diplomacy can act as a bridge for peace and understanding between Azerbaijan and Armenia and help create a new and positive atmosphere in the relations between these two countries. This approach uses various tools and increases human and cultural interactions, including cultural and educational exchange programs, economic and trade cooperation, media and information diplomacy, strengthening the role of civil institutions, holding educational workshops and seminars, developing joint environmental projects, encouraging international and regional dialogues and promoting multi-cultural and multi-lingual education which can play a key role in developing relations between the two peoples and open new horizons for peaceful co-existence. © (2024), (University of Tehran). All rights reserved.
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights (13854879) 32pp. 441-468
In recent decades, the phenomenon of international immigration has witnessed a dramatic increase, propelled by factors such as globalisation, escalating poverty and hunger, environmental degradation, war, and civil unrest. Since 2015, a notable surge in immigration from Muslim-majority countries to Europe has occurred, attributed to the geographic proximity of Europe to crisis-ridden areas like the Middle East and North Africa. On the other hand, in recent years, extreme right-wing and racist tendencies have proliferated across nearly all European nations. Immigrants, particularly those of Muslim faith, have become easy scapegoats for these right-wing elements, portraying them as threats to European identity, values, culture, and economy. This article aims to delve into the perception of Europeans towards Muslim immigrants, addressing the pivotal question: Is the immigration of individuals from Muslim countries to the European Union a genuine threat or a constructed one? The paper systematically deconstructs the primary arguments depicting Muslim immigrants as threats to the security, identity, and economy of European countries. It rigorously contends that this perceived threat is predominantly constructed by certain right-wing politicians and media outlets. © Ali Omidi et al., 2024.
Cogent Social Sciences (23311886) 10(1)
Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian Republics (CARs) have faced various political challenges, including the existence of political Islam and Islamic extremism. This issue has had a slight impact on the entire region, albeit to different extents. Various perspectives have been proposed to elucidate why political Islam in this region has predominantly manifested as religious fundamentalism. Alternatively, the frustration-aggression hypothesis and Merton’s social strain theory provide illustrations of these approaches. Consistent with this concept, severe suppression and authoritarianism do not eliminate political dissent; instead, they can stimulate further disagreement and conflict. The study argues that the severe political suppression of both religious and secular opposition groups has caused them to withdraw from public view and has led to a rise in violence in the Central Asian Republics. This study employs a qualitative research method and a descriptive-analytical methodology to examine the correlation between political repression and the rise of Islamism in five countries in Central Asia. According to the results of the present study, it seems that governments in Central Asia prefer to understand political Islam in a manner that is too simplistic and characterised by a strict division into two opposing categories. Furthermore, they display a lack of acceptance of even moderate and liberal manifestations of Islamism. Inadvertently, this approach has facilitated the expansion of Islamic fundamentalism in CARs. The government in this region should develop new ways to allow conversations for future generations of moderate and secular Muslims to combat Islamic extremism. © 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies (19448953) 25(5)pp. 923-943
In recent decades, particularly since 2002, relations between Iran and Turkey have been on the rise and generally expanding. The aim of this paper is to analyse and clarify the reasons for the sustainability of the two countries’ relations while undergoing intermittent eruptions of disputes over the years. In other words, the main question is: why have Iran and Turkey, with their political frictions, routinely embraced rapprochement and collaboration in recent decades? Accordingly, the hypothesis proposed is that a key reason for the ongoing cooperation between Tehran and Ankara in different fields, is the rationale of geopolitical complementarity engendering their security needs in broad meaning, particularly energy security and natural gas. Whilst the logic also applies to water security, both states attach greater importance to border security and energy. In short, their common geopolitical destiny over-rides individual state preferences. To examine this hypothesis, Barry Buzan’s theory based on a broad definition of security as well as regional security complex has been deployed through descriptive analytics. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs (18579760) 9(2)pp. 144-163
Beijing and New Delhi, as new world emerging powers, despite border skirmishes, have not considered themselves arch-rivals. Still, the necessities of real politics have forced India to take counter-measures towards China‟s grand connectivity strategy in the framework of BRI and the Maritime Silk Road. This article assumes that China‟s grand connectivity strategy has not targeted India in particular, but unavoidably it has affected India‟s strategic interests in the Indian Ocean and Eurasia. In a qualitative and case study methodology, this research explains China‟s grand connectivity strategy and how it affects Indian strategic interests. It also elaborates on India‟s counter-measures vis-à-vis China policy. It concluded that the Chinese connectivity strategy has affected Indian strategic interests in the Indian Ocean and Eurasia. Therefore, Chabahar, Gwadar ports, and Malacca Strait are centers of gravity in these great connectivity rivalries. © 2023 The author/s.
India Quarterly (09749284) 79(4)pp. 594-610
Close historical, social, cultural and economic ties and geographical proximity present ample opportunity for both Iran and India to advance their national interests by forging strong bilateral relations. Rich in energy resources, particularly oil and gas, Iran can meet India’s growing demand for energy while serving as an international transit route in India’s march towards global prominence and power. India, on the other hand, can help Iran in its testing times to end its isolation and contribute to its economic development. The ground reality, however, is different. India, while maintaining some level of cooperation with Iran, has been increasingly looking towards other countries like Saudi Arabia and Iraq to meet its energy demands. Based on descriptive-analytical research methodology, the article posits that the shift in the Indian foreign policy paradigm from Nehruism during the Cold War period to pragmatism in the post-Cold War period has negatively impacted Iran–India relations. A number of additional factors hinder the development of positive Iran–India relations. The present article considers the role of third countries such as the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and China as important factors impeding positive Tehran–Delhi relations. © 2023 Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA).
Chinese Political Science Review (23654244) 7(4)pp. 484-502
There are many approaches in analyzing the prolonged Iran–US impasse. We can taxonomize them into objective and subjective perspectives. We can explain Iran–US tension for realistic and geopolitical reasons. But discourse analysis is a subjective approach that maintains social facts are constructed in a discursive way by social players. This article aims to provide a discursive overview of how the definition of terrorism has been influenced by divergent discourses, as well as conflicting political interests by Iran and the US. In the discursive approach, as what anti-foundationalism maintains, social phenomena and social concepts like terrorism, miss a fixed essence or meaning. The present article applies the term discourse analysis mostly in Foucauldian philosophy and other like-minded political scientists in the deconstruction of the relationship between power and knowledge. This research concludes that definition and determining the instances of terrorism is a discursive action by Iran and the United States, so it explains the subjective reasons why there has been a dichotomy between Iran and the US in characterizing terrorism or ‘resistance movements’ in the Middle East. Therefore, subjective reasons as much as objective ones play a major role in the Tehran–Washington discord. © 2022, Fudan University.
Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia (21664307) 11(2)pp. 167-191
An evolving concept in the realm of international law is the right to remedial secession. Even though this concept has not been completely embedded in cus-tomary international law, it is being taken into account as a de lege ferenda (new law) and human-oriented right by scholars of international law. In order for the right of remedial secession to materialize, at least four criteria must be met, namely the existence of a specific group of “people” deemed likely to benefit from secession; that this people is the victim of extensive and long-term persecution and harassment; the impossibility of coexistence between the seceding group and the state encompassing it; and the recognition of such an entity by a minimum number of members of the international community. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict satisfies the first three criteria, but the enclave is not recognized by any sovereign state or international governmental orga-nization. In light of constructivist theory regarding the “social construct of political realities,” including “statehood,” as well as the on-the-ground political realities, it appears that the status quo, that is, the de facto independence of Karabakh without international recognition, will persist in the future. It appears that the geopolitical changes that took place in Karabakh after the 2020 war will not resolve the legal impasse. The present paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the compatibility of remedial secession criteria with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. © 2022, Slavica Publishers. All rights reserved.
Geopolitics Quarterly (17354331) 18(65)pp. 115-149
Introduction After the victory of communist revolution in China, Nationalism had been combined with communist teachings as result of cultural revolution at the Mao era. The outputs of mentioned process caused to formation of ideological and transnational principles in Chinese foreign policy. But after nearly three decades, People's Republic of China has not achieved its foreign goals and faced with turmoil in domestic economy. Therefore, at the late of 1970s Beijing endeavored to improving their relations with the outside world, especially with the United States. Over the 1980s-decade transnationalism ideas replaced with pragmatist nationalism. These developments paved the way for control the nationalism narrative by China development-oriented government. It is important to point out that one of the most important factors which influence states foreign policy is the kind of nationalism narrative. There are different kinds of nationalism in china's political temporary discourse, but only one of them has taken dominant position in China’s foreign policy. The aim of this article is to analyze the conceptual developments of Chinese nationalism and its impact on the development-oriented foreign policy. The research will examine main kinds of nationalistic attitudes in China and try to answer the following question: how do dominant narrative of nationalism contribute to construct the development-oriented foreign policy in china? Developmental outlook of China has directed it to interpret and promulgate nationalism in a pragmatist way as well as along its development-oriented foreign policy. Methodology To analyze above mentioned issues the authors used a research desk method; we used various international publications, like monographs, scientific articles, and statistical data. This research has written by descriptive-analytic method and constructivism theory used as analytical framework. Discussion Researchers owing to the goal of their research have classified Chinese nationalism from different perspectives. The authors of this article divided Chinese nationalism into three following categories: ethnical nationalism, liberal nationalism and pragmatism nationalism. The first one (ethnic nationalism) is usually defined as “to the process whereby a group or community that shares a common history, culture, language, and territory is persuaded to assert its identity in such a way that it acquires the authority to be in charge of its own affairs, usually through the creation of an independent state.” When ethnic nationalist interests are mobilized to achieve state interests, that is, state nationalism, a more assertive brand of nationalism tends to emerge. The second one (liberal nationalism) was introduced in the early twentieth century as a means to improve China through political and social reforms. It defines the nation as a group of citizens who have a duty to support and defend the rights of their state in the world of nation-states, but also to pursue individual freedoms. The third one (pragmatist nationalism) is a state-led and largely reactive, pragmatist nationalism does not have a fixed, objectified and eternally defined content, nor is it driven by any ideology, religious beliefs or other abstract ideas. This kind of nationalism is a form of nationalism that is more ready to compromise with the outside world for the sake of state interests. After Deng Xiaoping launched the reform pragmatist nationalism has taken significant foreign policy implications. China’s diplomacy began to serve economic development under the guidance of keeping a low profile and accumulating strength quietly. In addition, nationalism is becoming more influential within the government as it begins to overshadow communism and becomes the concept that draws the government and people closer to the economic objectives more effectively. Conclusion Facing chronic economic problems and acute political crisis at home and from a relatively weak geopolitical position abroad, the Chinese state took a pragmatic attitude toward nationalism and made sure that China’s foreign policy was not dictated by emotional rhetoric. The results of the article shows that China's development-oriented foreign policy has compelled Chinese ruling party to economic interpretation of nationalism which have led to impressive economic indexes so that will replace the US dominant economic status in third decade of new millennium. © 2022, Iranian Association of Geopolitics. All rights reserved.
South Asia Research (02627280) 42(1)pp. 21-39
In January 2016, Iran, India and Afghanistan signed a trilateral economic agreement on developing the Chabahar Port in south-eastern Iran. This project holds immense economic and geopolitical value for both Iran and India. Chabahar, as Iran’s first deep water port, connects it to oceanic trade routes. This helps Iran to mitigate US sanctions and sustain trade relations with neighbours and independent states such as India. For India, Chabahar is the key point of the ‘International North–South Transport Corridor’, an ambitious project connecting India to Central Asia and Europe. The article analyses the geostrategic, economic and trade-related importance of Chabahar port from both Iranian and Indian perspectives. This Iranian–Indian trade co-operation is considered a strategic alternative, if not a rival, to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), whose key point is the Gwadar port in Pakistan, next door to Chabahar. © 2022 SAGE Publications.
International Journal Of China Studies (21803250) 12(2)pp. 295-318
In order to repel US pressures, Tehran has perpetually aligned itself with major non-Western powers through a ‘Look to the East policy’ with focus mainly on China. Iran and China are opposed to the United States’ so-called unilateralism and are similarly categorized as revisionist states which this common attitude culminated into the signature of the 25-year cooperation agreement in March 2021. But, China prioritizes its national interests defined by economic pragmatism; and its complex economic interdependence with the world economy has made it conservative. The present article analyzes this question of why China has been conservative in shielding Iran against the US’s paralyzing sanctions in Donald Trump’s era. It argues that the Chinese global strategy and its economic pragmatism require it to make compromises with the United States and Arab states alike, and at the same time, to preserve relationships with Iran with the least political-economic expenses. © 2021, Institute of China Studies. All rights reserved.
Insight Turkey (1302177X) 23(4)pp. 11-25
Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states’ foreign policy goals. As one of the world’s emerging economic powers, Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. This commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey’s soft power in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the years 20112020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkey’s soft power during this time period has mainly targeted and become influential in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East and Asia. Although certain events, such as the 2016 failed coup, the Gezi Park protests, the Syrian crisis, fluctuations in the value of the Turkish lira, etc., have somewhat tarnished the country’s image, various indicators of Turkey’s soft power demonstrate that it has remained strong in the MENA region during the time span of the present research. © 2021, SETA Foundation. All rights reserved.
Australian Journal of Human Rights (1323238X) 27(2)pp. 249-271
Several studies on the consequences of sanctions show that they have the potential to drastically harm ordinary people’s health and widely affect human rights standards in the target countries. The Right to Health (RTH) is a fundamental human right, and international law requires States to honour it in any situation. The United States (US) is a treaty party or signatory to a number of universal human rights treaties which codify the RTH as a fundamental right, along with the right to life. Additionally, the erga omnes nature of the RTH requires the US to rectify its sanctions regime. In this article, applying a descriptive-analytic method, it is argued that the Trump administration’s policy of pursuing ‘maximum pressure’ and reinstatement of fatal sanctions against Iran as of May 2018 violated the Iranian people’s basic RTH. This implies that the US is internationally liable for what the Iranian people and State experienced due to these sanctions. This violation has continued during Joseph Biden’s administration as of July 2021. © 2021 Australian Journal of Human Rights.
Soft power as one manifestation of power allows countries to gain influence through means such as po-litical values, cultural diplomacy, and foreign policy attitudes. Iraq has become a venue for influential players such as Iran and the US to exert their soft power after 2003. Iran employs shared religious ties with the Shiite population in Iraq, promotes its independent anti-imperialist foreign policy as a value, highlights the shared geography and historical memories between the two countries, and applies other similar elements to enhance its soft power. On the other hand, the United States employs cultural attrac-tions and promotes values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights. The United States presents itself as an idealistic democratic archetype and encourages Iraq to emulate its model in the post-Saddam era. The aim of this chapter is to provide a comparison of soft power status of Iran and the US in the post-Saddam Iraq. © 2024, IGI Global. All rights reserved.
This chapter delves into the impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on the educational systems, spanning both schools and universities. The primary components of an educational system include students, teachers, monitoring and evaluation (M&E), and administrative organization. While there are undoubtedly other components, these mentioned items are the most crucial. Artificial intelligence significantly influences all of them. In this chapter, the authors thoroughly examine and analyze the effect of AI on each of the four educational components, employing a systematic review and library methodology. Consequently, after the introduction, the chapter is organized into four parts, corresponding to each component. The main finding indicates that AI technology has revolutionized education by offering personalized and adaptive learning, flexible teaching, as well as smart administration and swift assessment systems. This chapter also highlights the drawbacks associated with it. © 2024 by IGI Global. All rights reserved.
Global issues such as environmental disasters, malnutrition, poorness, international economic inequalities, local and ethnic conflicts, migration phenomena, globalization paradoxes, and other crises and challenges are so complex that governments and traditional diplomacy cannot tackle them alone. Therefore, diplomacy has expanded beyond the monopoly of governments. One of these new forms of diplomacy is citizen diplomacy or "people-to-people diplomacy." This can involve NGOs, private peacemakers, scholars, or other "bridge builders." Citizen diplomacy takes many forms, such as student/faculty exchanges, church programs bringing conflicting groups together, or cultural/scientific/sporting events that allow disputants to interact cooperatively or competitively. The informality of citizen diplomacy activities gives it a high degree of flexibility. This research aims to demonstrate the effectiveness and importance of citizen diplomacy in today's world, and its role in maintaining peace at the global level. © 2025 by IGI Global. All rights reserved.
